The History of Macaroni: Footnotes
1. Couscous is also the name of a preparation of steamed grains other than that made of hard wheat.

2. Virtually all food writers have made this mistake and omission, including serious researchers such as Perry, Charles. "The Oldest Mediterranean Noodle: A Cautionary Tale," Petits Propos Culinaire. 9 (October 1981a). pp. 42-45.

3. Montanari, Massimo. "Note sur l’histoire des pâtes en Italie," Médiévales. Langue, textes, histoire. vols. 16-17 (1989). pp. 61-64.

4. Dick, J. W. and R.R. Matsuo. "Durum Wheat and Pasta Products," in Wheat: Chemistry and Technology. Y. Pomeranz, ed. 3rd ed. St. Paul: American Association of Cereal Chemists, Inc., 1988. vol. 2. p. 523.

5. Sallares, Robert. The Ecology of Ancient Greek World. London: Gerald Duckworth, 1991. Professor Andrew Watson, e-mail correspondence with the author, June 9, 1997; Sallares says on p. 318 that "the most recent research, employing more sophisticated techniques, focusing on more distinctive spikelet fragments rather than on the grains themselves, and employing electron microscopes, has concluded that it is possible to differentiate bread wheat and durum wheat and that the progenitors of both had evolved by c. 5000 B.C." In support of this statement he gives four references. In fact, none of the references cited gives any support whatever to this statement. Sallares uses W. van Zeist, "Macroscopic traces of food plants in south-western Asia," Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, B 275 (1976), pp. 27-41, who states, on the contrary, that "in summary one must conclude that it seems impossible to determine whether carbonized grains and rachis internodes of free threshing wheat are of T. durum [hard wheat] or T. aestivum [bread wheat]." Sallares also cites J. R. Harlan, who stresses the virtual impossibility of distinguishing the carbonized remains of the two but hopes that "the real story will some day be unravelled." (see J. R. Harlan, "The Early History of Wheat; Earliest Traces to the Sack of Rome," in L. T. Evan and W. J. Peacock, eds. Wheat Science: today and tomorrow (Cambridge, 1981), p.6. Sallares’s third reference D. Zohary,"The Origin of Cultivated Cereals and Pulses in the Middle East," Chromosomes Today, 4 (1973), pp. 307-21 is completely agnostic about the identification of archeological finds of naked wheats, and D. Zohary and M. Hopf, Domestication of Plants in the Old World (Oxford, 1988) who Sallares cites, using pages 44-45 do not discuss naked wheats on the pages mentioned. Although he tells us that the suitability of durum wheat for making pasta rests on its gliadin: gluten ration (glieden: glutanin in Sallares) among its proteins, and that naked tetraploid wheats existed in classical Greece, there is a conspicuous absence in classical sources of pasta-type foods and Sallares believes that given the state of the classical Greek culinary arts, it seems unlikely that they had durum wheat but just didn’t think of inventing pasta (p. 319). Given this statement, he then goes on to claim that (p. 320) Pliny’s alica is a semolina-based food, a kind of groats, saying that semolina particles called aphairema in the Campanian dialect of Greek were preferred for its manufacture, and it was similiar to bulgur. But Sallares also says that Pliny said it could be made with any kind of wheat but mainly emmer. Watson, Andrew M. Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World: The Diffusion of Crops and Farming Techniques, 700-1100. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, p. 157 n. 3 is unequivocal in stating that it is wrong to claim that alica mentioned in classical texts is hard wheat. Sallares still has not shown that durum wheat is widespread or actually used in pasta products, outside of simply saying that tetraploid wheats existed.

6. Professor Andrew Watson, e-mail correspondance with the author, June 9, 1997.

7. Renzo Landi, "Le coltivazioni agrarie in Italia dalla prehistoria agli splendori dell'Imperio Romano," in L'alimentazione nell'antichitá (Parma, l985), pp. 5l-77.

8. Watson was also influenced by Jane M. Renfrew’s book, Paleoethnobotany, published in 1973, which seemed to represent the most up-to-date scholarship of the time. Renfrew saw no botanical evidence of hard wheat before late Roman times. Another influence on Watson was the writings of Professor Hans Helbaek, who, using the most sophisticated techniques available, did not identify any hard wheat in the remains he analysed from many dozens of prehistoric and ancient sites.

9. In the end, none of this is a settled matter at the time of this writing. Even Robert Sallares, in a recent work, takes a contrary point of view than the one he argued for in his book on the ecology of ancient Greece by admitting that "it is still a matter of debate whether ancient Greeks and Romans cultivated mainly durum wheat, from which pasta is now made, or the bread wheat generally used to make bread today"; Robert Sallares, "Molecular Archeology and Ancient History," in John Wilkins, David Harvey, and Mike Dobson, eds., Food in Antiquity (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1996), p. 95.

10. Alberini, Massimo with recipes compiled by Anna Martini. Pasta & Pizza. Elisabeth Evans, trans. New York: St. Martin’s, 1977, p. 16; Professor Phyllis Pray Bober, Leslie Clark Professor Emeritus in Humanities and Classical and Near Eastern Archeology and Art History, Bryn Mawr College, Philadelphia, conversation with the author, December 1993. Also see Mingazzini, Paolino. "Gli antichi conoscevano i maccheroni?" Archeologia Classica. vol. 6 (1954). pp. 292- 294.

11. Polo, Marco, Milione. Le divisament dou monde, Gabriella Ronchi, ed. Milan: Arnoldo Mondadori, 1982; Ramusio, Giovanni Batista, Navigazioni e viaggi. I milleni. Turin: G. Einaudi: 1978-88, vol. 3, p. 264; Polo, Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo: The Complete Yule- Cordier Edition. New York: Dover, 1993, vol. 2, p. 305. I do not accept the recent revisionist history of Marco Polo by Frances Wood, "Did Marco Polo Go to China?" who argued that Marco Polo never made it to China. The anomalies she points out have long been a focus of learned debate and I believe are adequately addressed by scholars especially Sir Henry Yule in his annotated edition of Marco Polo’s travels.

12. Ramusio 1978-88, vol. 3, p. 186; Polo 1993, vol. 1 p. 438 n. 4, called "vermicelli" there rather than the correct in lasagne.

13. Polo 1982; Polo 1993, vol. 2, p. 305; Chau Ju-kua, His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the twelfth and thirteenth Centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chï. Friedrich Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, eds and trans. St. Petersburg: Imperial Academy of Sciences, 1911, p. 142. This in itself is not entirely conclusive because at least one classical author, Varro, mentions that wheat in Spain can be kept for fifty years, but also says so can millet be kept for 100 years; cf. Varro, On Agriculture, I. lvii.

14. Hard wheat used to be designated Triticum durum Desf., but is currently designated Triticum turgidum var. durum; Dick, J. W. and R.R. Matsuo, "Durum Wheat and Pasta Products," in Wheat: Chemistry and Technology. Y. Pomeranz, ed. 3rd ed. St. Paul: American Association of Cereal Chemists, Inc., 1988. vol. 2, p. 508.

15. Petronius, Satriycon, 41: 9, Ab hoc ferculo Trimalco ad lasanum surrexit (he was going to the bathroom).

16. The word as used in Horace, Satires, 1, 6, 115; Celsus, 2, 22, 1, and Apicius’ recipe patina Apiciana, cited by André, Jacques, L’Alimentation et la cuisine a Rome. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1981, p. 211 as being a general word designating minced or stretched dough, a kind of crépe that is often deep-fried in oil. Also see, for the Greek, Chantraine, Pierre. Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Paris: Klincksieck, 1968-80. 4 vols, p. 64, where lasanon is a large minced cake cooked with flour and oil ("LXX et grec posterieur cit. d’Aristophanes," Assemblée 843 in Ath. 110a); Sereni, Emilio. "Note di storia dell’alimentazione nel Mezzogiorno. I Napoletani da "mangiafoglia" a "mangiamaccheroni'," Cronache Meriodionali, no. 5 anno V. (May 1958), pp. 359-61.

17. Dorsa, Vincenzo, La tradizione greco-latina nei dialetti della Calabria Citeriore. Cosenza: Migliaccio, 1876, p. 44.

18. This was confirmed by Uguccione da Pisa, a grammarian whose manuscript Derivazioni was used to comment on Senisio, the fourteenth-century Sicilian lexicographer’s Declarus, see Marinoni, A., ed. Dal Declarus di A. Senisio: I vocaboli siciliani. Collezione di testi siciliani dei secoli XIV e XV 6. Palermo: Centro di Studi Filologici e Linguistici Siciliani, 1955, pp. 79, 150v, 84, 163v, 175-76. On the similarities and uses of a bread-pasta concurrence, see the comments on tharid.

19. Perry, Charles, "What was Tracta?" Petits Propos Culinaires, 12 (1982). pp. 37-39; Hill, Stephen and Anthony Bryer, "Byzantine Porridge: Tracta, Trachanás, and Tarhana," in John Wilkins, David Harvey & Mike Dobson, eds., Food in Antiquity, Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1995, pp. 44-54.

20. Marinoni 1955, p. 84; Scappi, Bartolomeo, Opera [dell'arte del cucinare], Testi Antichi di Gastronomia 12. Sala Bolognese: Arnaldo Forni Editore, 1981. [Originally published in Venice in 1570], bk. 3, cap. CCLV.

21. See Montanari, Massimo, Alimentazione e cultura nel medioevo, Bari: Laterza, 1994, p. 140; Watson, Andrew M., "The Arab Agricultural Revolution and Its Diffusion, 700-1100," Journal of Economic History, vol. 34 no. 1 (March 1974), pp. 8-35; Watson, op. cit., 1983; Watson, Andrew M., "A Medieval Green Revolution: New Crops and Farming Techniques in the Early Islamic World," in A. L. Udovitch, ed. The Islamic Middle East, 700-1900: Studies in Economic and Social History, Princeton Studies on the Near East. Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1981, pp. 29-58; Alessio, Giovanni, "Storia linguistica di un antico cibo rituale: ‘i maccheroni’," Atti della Accademia Pontaniana, nuova serie vol. VIII. (1958-59), pp. 261-80.

22. The document is an ordo cocarie domini episcopi Lunensis; Balletto, Laura, "Dieta e Gastronomia nel Medioevo Genovese," Saggi e Documenti VII. vol.2. Civico Istituto Colombiano 9. Genoa: Civico Istituto Columbiano, 1986, p. 50.

23. Lopez, R., "Chi ha inventato gli spaghetti?" R. Lopez, ed., Su e giù per la storia di Genova. no. 20, Genoa: Collana storica di fonti e studi, 1975, pp. 381-83; Alberini, Massimo, Maccheroni e Spaghetti: Storia letteratura aneddoti 1244-1994, Casale Monferrato: Piemme, 1994, pp. 35-36.

24. Herlihy, David, Pisa in the Early Renaissance: A Study of Urban Growth. Port Washington: Kennikat, 1973, p. 39 n. 15.

25. Guerrini, O., Frammento di un libro di cucina del sec. XIV edito nel dì delle nozze carducci- gnaccarini, Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli, 1887, no. 33.

26. This universal geography is called Nuz’hat al-mushtaq and was written by al-Idrisi under the patronage of Roger II, and for this reason is also known as the Kitab al-Rujari or Book of Roger; see Amari, Michele, ed., Biblioteca arabo-sicula, versione italiana, Torino: Ermanno Loescher, vol. 1, pp. 35-42.

27. Mantovano, Giuseppe, La cucina italiana: origine, storia e segreti. Rome: Newton Compton, 1985.

28. Acta Sanctorum Aprilis [Acta de B. Guillelmo Eremitae], Henschenio, Godefrido and Daniele Papebrochio, Antwerp: Michaelem Cnobarum, 1675, vol. 9 (tome 1) p. 383. The two priests, Godefrido Henschenio and Daniele Papebrochio, wrote their account of William the Hermit several centuries later. Also see Du Cange, Dominus, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis (Niort, 1883-87) (5) p. 159. Marinoni, A., ed., Dal Declarus di A. Senisio: I vocaboli siciliani. Collezione di testi siciliani dei secoli XIV e XV 6, Palermo: Centro di Studi Filologici e Linguistici Siciliani, 1955, pp. 84, 79. Valle, Nicolo’, Vallilium: primo dizionaro siculo-latino del XVI secolo. Palermo: Librarie Siciliane, 1990 [originally published in 1510]: maccarone hic pastillus li uel globulus. li aglobo farine dilactato deide lixo ca seus super infunditur.

29. Alessio, op. cit., 1958-59, pp. 263-64; Boccaccio, Giovanni [1313-1375], The Decameron. G.H. McWilliam, trans. London: Penguin, 1972, (VIII) 3.

30. Watson, op. cit., 1983, p. 22 citing al-Firuzabadi [1329- c. 1414], Mukhtar al-qamus (Cairo, 1963), p. 383.

31. Arberry, A. J. trans., "A Baghdad Cookery Book," Islamic Culture. vol XIII no. 1 (January 1939), p. 45. Ibn Butlan’s Taqwim al-sihha was composed in Arabic in the eleventh century, translated into Latin under the auspices of King Manfred of Sicily in the thirteenth century, but, unfortunately, frequently revised until the fourteenth century.

32. The illustrations are reproduced in The Medieval Health Handbook: Tacuinum Sanitatis, Luisa Cogliati Arano, ed. Oscar Ratti and Adele Westbrook, trans. New York: George Braziller, 1976, plates XLII, 232, 233.

33. Watson, op. cit., 1983, p. 158 n. 23 citing al-Jawhari [d. c. 1010], Taj al-lugha wa sihah al- ‘arabiya, 2 vols. (Bulaq, 1865).

34. Ibid., pp. 20-23. Today there are words for hard wheat in Arabic and Berber, such as the name tourki in the Fezzan and amekkaoui in the Haggar of the Sahara, see Erroux, J., Les blés des oasis Sahariennes, Algiers: Université d’Alger, Institut de Recherches Sahariennes, n.d., p. 25.

35. Cited in Sereni, op. cit., 1958, no. 5, p. 364 without a source. Bar ‘Ali’s dictionary appears to give a Syriac equivalent of the Arabic itriya (root: t-r-y). His work is not easily accessible, but see Bar ‘Ali, Syrisch arabische Glossen, Georg Hoffman, ed. Kiel, 1874 a copy of which is in the University of California, Los Angeles research library and the New York Public Library which is unfortunately missing volume 2.

36. Watson, op. cit., 1983, p. 158 n. 23. Several scholars have incorrectly placed the first codification of pasta secca in the ninth century. Professors Massimo Montanari and Giuseppe Mantovano cite the so-called ninth-century cookbook of Ibn al-Mibrad as describing a "dish common between the old Bedouin tribes and the Berbers," namely pasta secca. Both scholars have made a mistake: Ibn al-Mibrad is the pseudonym of Yusuf b. Hasan ad-Dimashqi who wrote in the sixteenth century A. D. which is the ninth century A. H. (year of the hegira in the Islamic calendar), see Montanari, op. cit., 1989, p. 61; Mantovano, op. cit., p. 285.

37. Balletto, op. cit., p. 56.

38. Messedaglia, Luigi, Vita e costume della rinascenza in Merlin Cocai. Medioevo e Umanesimo 14. Padua: Antenore, 1974, vol. 2, pp. 175ff.

39. Dozy, R., Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes, Leyden: Brill, 1881 [reprinted Beirut: Librarie du Liban, 1991], vol. 2, p. 557 where lawzinaj (L-w-z-y-n-j) is a food like "ktaief" (i.e. qata’if) made with almond oil. Dozy’s sources are al-Aghani, Alii Ispahanensis Liber Cantilenarum magnus, Ioanne Godofredo Ludovico Kosegarten, ed. (Greifswalde, 1840), vol. 1, pp. 61, 10 and Bar Ali, Syrisch arabische Glossen, Georg Hoffman, ed. (Kiel, 1874).

40. Rodinson, Maxime, "On the Etymology of ‘Losange,’" Charles Perry, trans. Petits Propos Culinaire, vol. 23 (July 1986), p. 16; Vollenweider, Alice, "Der Einfluss der italienischen auf die französische Kochkunst im Spiegel der Sprache," Vox Romanica: Annales Helvetici explorandis linguis romanicis destinati, vol. 22, no. 2 (July-December 1963), pp. 440-43.

41. See Wright, Clifford A., Lasagne, Boston: Little, Brown, 1995, p. 6.

42. "And then more bodies were put on top of them, with a little more dirt over those; they put layer on layer just like one puts layers of cheese in a lasagna." Marchione di Coppo Stefani was born in Florence in 1336 and he wrote his Florentine Chronicle in the late 1370s and early 1380s. "Rubric 643: Concerning A Mortality In The City Of Florence In Which Many People," died Cronaca fiorentina. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. 30 , Niccolo Rodolico, ed. Citta di Castello: 1903-13 in Plague and Public Health in Renaissance Europe,

43. Mantovano, op. cit., p. 285.

44. al-Razi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad [888?-955?]. "La Description de l’Espagne d’Ahmad al- Razi," E. Lévi-Provençal, trans. Al-Andalus, vol. XVIII, (1953), p. 82 quoted in Watson, op. cit., 1983, p. 21. This al-Razi is not the famous doctor known as Rhazes in the West.

45. Varro, On Agriculture, I.57.

46. Kitab al-tabikh fi al-Maghrib wal-Andalus, A. Huici Miranda, ed. Revista del Instituto de Estudios Islamicos en Madrid. IX-X, Arabic section, (1961-62), pp. 12-256 [in Arabic]. Also see Traduccion española de un manuscrito anónimo del siglo XIII sobre la cocina hispano-magribi. Ambrosio Huici Miranda, trans. Madrid: Maestre, 1966 although the translation is not accurate.

47. Such as fidelli, sfidelli and fidellini, see Corominas, Joan, "Mots catalans d’origen arabic," Bulleti de dialectolgia catalana, vol. 24 (1936), pp. 1-81 and Corominas, Joan, Diccionario critico-etimológico de la castellana, Berne, 1954-57, 4 vols. Also see Garulo, Teresa, Los Arabismos en il lexico Andaluz, Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1983, p. 224, where the entry for fideo is related to zarcillo, either a vine tendril, a dropped earing, or a hoop of a barrel, the point twisted and tender vine shoot. The word comes from the verb "to bud" derived from the Arabic fad, "to grow, to expand." The word appears in Ibn al-Jatib; see Simonet, D. Francisco Javier, Glosario de voces ibéricas y latinas usadas entre los mozárabes. Beirut: Librarie du Liban, 1975. [Originally published in 1888].

48. Traduccion, op. cit., p. 207.

49. Arnau de Vilanova [Arnold of Vilanova], Obres catalanes, vol. 2: Escrits mèdics. Barcelona: Barcino, 1947, pp. 135, 137; Libre de sent soví, Rudolf Grewe, ed. Barcelona: Editorial Barcino, 1979, pp. 182, 184.

50. Lladonosa i Giró, Josep, La Cocina medieval, Barcelona: Editorial Laia, 1984, p. 95.

51. Arnau de Vilanova, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 135 n. 3; 135-6. Tria is the same as alatria. Arnold of Vilanova’s recipe for pasta which is both cooked in oil or water:
De forment, e de farines, e de tot menjar quis fa de pasta frita ho cuyt en aygua. Ffoment cuyt no deu hom soven mengar, per ço cor moltipica e engenera en lo ventre los vermens qui son apetatz lombrics, e, encara, engenera apilacions, e fa disposicio e hordonament a aver peres ho arenes en la vexigua e en los royons. Açò matex fa[n] farines fetes de farina de forment e tota res qui sia fet de pasta frita ho cuyta en aygua.
That this is probably a hard wheat pasta is indicated by his use of the word semola.

52. Alessio, op. cit., 1958-59; Sereni, op. cit., 1958. Exactly when this occurs is unknown. The attribution of the origin of pasta secca to the Arabs has been questioned with a cautionary note by Montanari, Alimentazione, op. cit., p. 141. Citing Rosenberger, he notes that the very notion of pasta seems absent from Arabic gastronomy. It seems that Montanari has misread Rosenberger, who appears to make exactly the opposite claim, Rosenberger, B., "Les pâtes dans le monde Musulman," Médiévales. Langue, textes, histoire, vols. 16-17 (1989), p. 87. Rosenberger focuses on medieval Arab words for varieties of pasta appearing in the sources, overlooking instances of pasta secca in contemporary Arab cookery, Wright, Clifford A. "The Discovery and Dispersal of Hard Wheat (Triticum durum) and its Inventions: Pasta and Couscous and their Varieties in Tunisia," paper delivered at the Sixth Oldways International Symposium, "Tunisia: The Splendors and Traditions of its Cuisines and Culture." Djerba, Sousse, and Tunis. December 4 to December 10, 1993.

53. Faccioli, Emilio, ed., L'arte della cucina in Italia: Libri di ricette e trattati sulla civilità della tavola dal XIV al XIX secolo, Turin: Giulio Einaudi, 1987, p. 277, who called the etymology "fanciful."

54. This section is derived from Wright, Clifford A., "Cucina Arabo-Sicula and Maccharruni," Al- Mashaq: Studia Arabo-Islamica Mediterranea, vol. 9 (1996-97), pp. 151-77.

55. Brunschvig, Robert, La Berbérie Orientale sous les Hafsides: des origines à la fin du XVe siecle, Publications de l’Institut d’Études Orientales d’Alger VIII, Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1947, vol. 2, p. 272; in Tuareg, a language of the Ahaggar, duwayda was known as eddouida and talia (from "Italia" or tagliatelle) both mean vermicelli, de Foucauld, Le Père Charles, Dictionnaire Touareg-Français: dialecte de l’Ahaggar, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale De France, 1951, vol. 1, p. 223.

56. Also spelled isbriga or ysbriga. Aymard, Maurice and Henri Bresc, "Nourritures et consommation en Sicile entre XIVe et XVIIIe siècle," Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome: Moyen ge-Temps Moderness, tome 87 n. 2. (1975), p. 541; The vermicelli of Trapani in thesixteenth century was 50 percent more expensive than in Palermo, Bautier, A.M., "Pain et pâtisserie dans les textes médiévaux latins antérieurs au XIIIé siecle," Manger et boire au Moyen Âge, Actes du Colloque de Nice, n. 27, vol. 1: Aliments et Société, Centre d’Études Médiévales deNice: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Les Belles Lettres, 1984, p. 41.

57. Aymard and Bresc, op. cit., pp. 541; 542; Bautier, op. cot., p. 41.